Kim Ju Ae absence at North Korea’s most important political gathering in five years has intensified global speculation over the country’s opaque succession process, after the teenage daughter of leader Kim Jong-un failed to appear at the opening of the ruling party’s ninth congress in Pyongyang despite heightened expectations of her presence.
The absence of Kim Jong-un’s daughter from the congress was closely watched by foreign governments, analysts, and intelligence agencies, particularly following briefings by South Korea suggesting she had entered what officials described as a “successor-designate stage”.
Her non-appearance has prolonged uncertainty around the future leadership of one of the world’s most secretive states and raised fresh questions about whether Pyongyang is deliberately managing ambiguity around its dynastic transition.
The ninth congress of the ruling Workers’ Party of Korea, convened only once every five years, represents the most consequential political forum in the country. It sets the ideological, economic, military, and diplomatic direction for the state through the end of the decade.
Against that backdrop, expectations were unusually high that Kim Ju Ae would appear alongside her father, potentially offering the clearest signal yet of North Korea’s long-term succession plans.
Kim Ju Ae, believed to be around 13 years old, has been a regular presence at her father’s side since late 2022. She has appeared at intercontinental ballistic missile tests, military parades, major party celebrations, and high-profile construction site inspections.
Each appearance has been meticulously choreographed by state media, reinforcing perceptions that she is being introduced to the public as a central figure in the regime’s future.
South Korea’s National Intelligence Service told lawmakers earlier this month that Kim Ju Ae had moved into a “successor-designate stage”, language that significantly elevated the stakes surrounding the congress. The briefing led analysts to believe that her attendance — or even symbolic acknowledgment — could mark a turning point in North Korea’s dynastic narrative.
Instead, Kim Ju Ae absence was conspicuous as the congress opened, with Kim Jong-un delivering major speeches without his daughter present. “The silence is intentional,” said one Seoul-based analyst. “In North Korea, absence can be as meaningful as presence.”
North Korean state media have never publicly confirmed Kim Ju Ae’s name, referring to her only as Kim Jong-un’s “most beloved” or “respected” child. The name Kim Ju Ae is widely believed to be accurate based on comments made by former NBA star Dennis Rodman, who said he held Kim Jong-un’s infant daughter during a visit to Pyongyang in 2013.
Despite this, the regime has carefully avoided formal identification, reinforcing the air of mystery around her role.
The absence also revived long-standing doubts about whether a female successor could realistically lead a country whose political culture remains deeply patriarchal.
North Korea’s leadership tradition, dating back to its founder Kim Il-sung, has been exclusively male. Kim Jong-un inherited power from his father Kim Jong-il, continuing a dynastic model unprecedented in modern communist states.
Initially, South Korean intelligence agencies were sceptical that Kim Ju Ae could succeed her father, citing entrenched gender norms and resistance within the elite.
However, her repeated public appearances over the past three years forced a reassessment. Seoul now believes those appearances may have been part of a carefully constructed narrative designed to familiarise the public and party elites with the idea of a female leader.
One South Korean lawmaker briefed by intelligence officials said the pattern was “too consistent to be accidental”, adding: “They don’t put children next to intercontinental missiles for symbolism alone.”
The congress itself has been marked by triumphalist rhetoric from Kim Jong-un, who declared that the past five years had been a “proud period” for the country. Speaking in Pyongyang, he claimed North Korea had achieved its goals “in all realms such as politics, the economy, national defence, culture, and diplomacy”, according to the state-run Korean Central News Agency.
“In view of the external relations, too, the position of our state was firmly consolidated as an irreversible one,” Kim said, adding that North Korea had brought about “a great change in the global political landscape”.
Those remarks appeared to reference Pyongyang’s deepening ties with China and Russia. North Korea has strengthened its alignment with Moscow during the war in Ukraine, becoming the first third-party ally to reportedly commit thousands of frontline troops in support of Russian forces — a move that has further isolated the regime from the West while reinforcing its strategic partnerships.
Congratulatory letters were sent to the congress from Russia, China, Vietnam, and Laos, underscoring Pyongyang’s efforts to project diplomatic legitimacy despite continued international sanctions.
Yet behind the official confidence, the country faces severe economic hardship. According to a 2023 United Nations report, more than 45 per cent of North Korea’s population is undernourished, a figure that underscores the gulf between state propaganda and everyday reality. Updated data remain unavailable due to the country’s near-total isolation.
Kim Jong-un acknowledged the difficulties but blamed external forces, accusing “hostile powers” of pursuing “harsh blockades and sanctions”. He also cited natural disasters and the Covid-19 pandemic, saying they had “severely hindered the development of all our sectors and threatened the security of our state and the safety of our people”.
The congress endorsed Kim’s report and described it as a “revolutionary guideline” that would lead to “more rapid development, faster change, and greater progress”. However, as is typical, no specific economic targets or policy benchmarks were disclosed.
Against this backdrop, Kim Ju Ae absence has taken on heightened symbolic weight. Some analysts believe the regime may be deliberately slowing the succession narrative to avoid internal resistance or external pressure.
Others suggest her appearance could still come later in the congress, noting that previous party congresses have lasted between four and eight days.
“It’s entirely possible that her debut was postponed, not cancelled,” said one regional expert. “The leadership may be testing reactions, both domestically and internationally.”
Another theory is that Pyongyang is wary of elevating succession discourse at a time of heightened geopolitical tension. Publicly acknowledging a successor could expose the regime to strategic vulnerabilities or invite intensified foreign scrutiny.
For now, the absence leaves observers reading between the lines. In North Korea, symbolism is policy, and every image — or missing image — is calculated. Whether Kim Ju Ae emerges before the congress concludes or remains unseen, her role in the regime’s future appears far from settled.
What is clear is that Kim Ju Ae absence has ensured that the question of succession remains unresolved, maintaining the strategic ambiguity that has long defined the Kim dynasty. As one diplomat put it privately, “In Pyongyang, uncertainty is power — and they wield it carefully.”
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